China’s Soft Power and Hard Power in Africa

Published on 30th October 2011

Chinese constructors at work in Algeria       Photo courtesy
Frankly speaking, the attraction of China for Africa is mainly economic development. The construction of “soft power” goes hand in hand with the economic force, which is “hard power.”

An outstanding Moroccan professor told me: “We have imported a lot of goods from China. Some of them are cheap and may be poor in quality, while some are expensive with high quality. All depend on personal choice.” A colleague from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs once said, “Cheap price cannot ask high quality.” Actually, the price of goods is not necessarily related to its quality though they have some reason in a sense. The price of goods is, in fact, decided by its cost and the market. If the goods are made in poor quality, the resources and materials of the goods are wasted.

The Chinese have a different view of the market from the Japanese. While the former just sell goods and earn money, the latter retain customer confidence and support by goods’ attractiveness. The Japanese pay attention to the quality of goods as well as the post-selling service. The goods’ quality is a guarantee to win the market. To increase the goods’ quality and maintain a stable price is important for an enterprise to improve technology of production. 

I once met a manager of a small textile company who had come from Shanghai and had worked for nearly 5 years in Bamako. He knew well about the country and Chinese business in Africa. His company employs 5 Malians (the same number as Chinese employees) who get along very well with local people. The company produces high quality cotton textiles that bear a local design in Shanghai, then dyes the textiles in Mali. The textiles are finally made into daily clothes by local sewers. While the textile quality is not poor when compared to German textiles, its price is only a quarter of the latter. That is the reason why the company wins the local market.

Chinese goods are widely seen in African markets. As their price is lower, the goods are embraced by local people. I remember in a Dogon village, two brothers of my guide said to me: “Thanks to the goods made in China, we can use mobile phones and ride motorbikes.” A Moroccan told me that he could afford a laundry machine and refrigerator because they are “made in China.” Evidently, as more and more goods “made in China” go into African countries, more and more ordinary people can consume high technological products and electrical appliances thus improving their living conditions.  

Grand constructions made through China’s assistance to Africa are well known and widely praised. Look at the three bridges crossing the Niger River in Bamako. While the first one was built during the French colonization; the second was financed by Saudi Arabia and built by Chinese. The third is aided by the Chinese government. The Group of China Gezhouba has been responsible for its construction since 2009. I am told that there were 60-70 Chinese and more than 100 Malians on the ground in June 2011. The bridge over the Niger River in Gao was financed by World Bank and built by the Chinese too. The Center of International Conference in Bamako was also built by the Chinese, who are still maintaining it. All these grand constructions symbolize the China-Africa friendship and encourage local development.   

Generally speaking, Chinese state enterprises are responsible for the grand constructions in Africa, while private enterprises have charge over products for local consumption. While the grand constructions are limited in number, the small goods exist everywhere. Most Africans know China only from the grand construction and small goods. If the former is done well, it could set up a good image of China in Africa. If the latter is done well, it could win African people’s hearts. Both of them ought to be improved together. The construction of the soft power, therefore, does not neglect “hardware.”

Points of view on the construction of China’s soft power in Africa

Although China and Africa are similar in lots of aspects and have the same aspiration in development, they are different in institutions and ideas. For example, a lot of Moroccans admire France because the country has brought them luxury, delicious food and French. So, how can China attract them by the CMT, the Confucius Institute and agricultural cooperation project? 

While the CMT is an outstanding representative of the idea and practice of China’s assistance to Africa, its dwindling numbers and retreat from remote areas send a negative signal on African countries. To expand and make the CMTs more effective, China ought to comprehensively investigate their distribution, coordinate senders and receptors, and adjust its mechanism to the challenge of market economy. In the last case, it may consider cooperating with other international medical organizations such as Red Cross or Medecins sans Frontiers (Doctors without Borders) and improve Chinese doctors’ work in African countries.      

Confucius Institutes and Classes are set up to pursue the development of China’s soft power. However, driven by market interests, they are experiencing slow development in Africa because they are not responsible for their own profit and loss. “Think-tank” exchange might complement and enrich Confucius Institute and Class’ functions. The latter ought to be the center of China-Africa cultural exchanges, instead of the propagation of Chinese culture. Moreover, the small number of Confucius Institutes and Classes in Africa compared to America, Europe and Asia is a paradox. This implies that Africa is not important in the consideration of China’s global soft power. So it is important to balance global software in the African continent.

China can learn a lot from international cooperation projects, contribute a lot to African development and win African government and people’s trust, as well as the international community’s reputation. However, given that many Chinese agricultural experts are not familiar with African language, soil, climate and water supply, they are often very passive in the international cooperation. To change this state, it is important to intensify the basic studies, including languages, African countries’ studies, and communication ability.

If the first rank of Chinese go to the US, the second to the Europe, and only the labor go to Africa, it is still difficult to get positive results of building the soft power in Africa.

According to my own experience, Mali’s poverty is closely related to environmental degradation. The cooperation between Mali and China in environment and sustainable development is possible and necessary. Morocco is quite rich in human sciences and tourism resources and its development is close to China. It is possible to develop exchange and cooperation in humanities. Both of them belong to the “think-tank” exchange. African countries need technical and professional talents, while the “think-tank” exchange is helpful to the development of the “soft power.” Chinese intellectuals ought to play a leading role in this regard.

Summary

The “soft power” attracts and persuades somebody else to do something. People’s hearts are most important in this case. The construction of soft power cannot be pushed forward by separated projects, but by a unified strategy and a guarantee of “hard power.” The quality of Chinese goods is helpful to build China’s soft power and win African people’s hearts.

China’s soft power in Africa can be reflected in three aspects: China unilateral plan; cooperation plan between China and international organizations; and China’s global plan. So the construction of China’s soft power ought to consider the three plans.

The construction of the “soft power” complements the “hard power.” The core issue of building China’s soft power in Africa, besides improving the mechanism of the CMT, developing the Confucius Institutes and Classes, and completing the international cooperation projects, ought to enhance “think-tank” exchange between China and African countries.

By PAN Huaqiong
Department of History, Peking University.


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