The spirit of Pan-Africanism cannot be better illustrated than by the following words, and I quote: “the long, long night is over! colonial and subject peoples of the World – Unite!” Such were the inspiring words of Kwame Nkrumah in 1947, the re-known first President of present-day Ghana, to the oppressed and dehumanized peoples of the world. This statement characterizes the struggle, agitation and expectation across the African continent during the decades leading to the formation of the OAU.

Pan-Africanism has a rich and long history, starting way back in the 19th Century, first mooted in the Caribbean primarily as a racial and cultural struggle. You will recall that about 12 million African people were trafficked and enslaved to the Americas and the rest of the world. Over time, the Pan-African Movement evolved into a political entity with a clear agenda of eradicating all forms of oppression, slavery, colonialism. It also sought to end racism, the dehumanizing treatment of Africans and cause political and social-economic emancipation of Africa.

We must pay special tribute to the great visionaries who led struggles for the Unity of the peoples of Africa and those in the Diaspora, under very difficult circumstances. The list of these gallant sons and daughters of Africa is long, but special recognition must be made for people like: George Padmore, Marcus Garvey, W.E. B Du Bois, Kwame Nkrumah, Katherine Dunham, Edward Wilmot Blyden, Sylvester-Williams, Malcom X, Steve Biko, Patrice Lumumba, Nelson Mandela, Ignessius Musaazi, and Julius Nyerere, Ahmed Ben Bella, Emperor Haile Selassie, Jomo Kenyatta, Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Leopold Sedar Senghor, and Chief Albert Luthuli.

As those familiar with African history will know, 1945 was a landmark year for the Pan-African movement. The 6th Pan-African Congress convened in Manchester, England, under the Chairmanship of W.E.B Du Bois and Kwame Nkrumah as its Secretary-General. It is this Congress, which for the first time, brought together activists from the African Diaspora, with leaders of the various nationalist movements on the African Continent. It is also the same Congress that resolved, unequivocally to free the African continent of colonial rule.

Twelve years later, Ghana freed herself from the York of British colonialism. A year later in 1958, Kwame Nkrumah hosted the assembly of the eight independent African Countries in Accra. Subsequently, the debate took the tangent of a clash of two concepts, namely: Continentalism immediately and regionalism to Unite Africa. On one hand, advocates of Continentalism, also known as the Progressive Casablanca Group, (Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Libya, Egypt, Morocco and Algeria) called for a United Federal Government at continental level with supranational powers. On the other hand, the moderate Monrovia Group, (Cameroon, Liberia, Nigeria, and Togo) advocated for a gradual approach to unity.

The aftermath of the Accra meeting saw colonialism crumbling, and the birth of new independent African States. This inevitability of Africa’s independence dawned on Harold Macmillan, then Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. While addressing the Parliament of South Africa on 3rd February, 1960, he observed that, and I quote: “the wind of change is blowing through this continent. Whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact.”  By the end of 1962, Africa had registered a total of 32 independent nations including our own – Uganda.

While addressing the Assembly that created the OAU, Emperor Haile Selassie was emphatic in what he wanted the Assembly to do. He pointed out that “we cannot leave here without having created a single African organization possessed of the attributes we have described. If we fail in this, we will have shirked our responsibility to Africa and to the people we lead. If we succeed, then, and only then, will we have justified our presence here.”

The historic day was born out of an Assembly of the then 32 Independent States. Convened in Addis Ababa under the Chairmanship of Emperor Haile Selassie, they deliberated on the modalities for liberty, self-determination, freedom and total independence of Africa. On 25th May 1963, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was founded as a unifying Pan-African Institution, to continue the struggle for African liberation, integration and socio-economic development.

The wise words of Ahmed Ben Bella, then Prime Minister of Algeria, best summarize the aspirations of the OAU at the time,  “to free the people still under colonial rule, let us all accept to die a little, or even completely, so that African Unity doesn’t become mere words.” Among its decisions, the Addis Ababa meeting set up the OAU Decolonization Committee, to be based in Dar es Salaam. 

Fifty four African countries can today stand tall to applaud the work of the OAU. It achieved its core goal of liberating most of Africa from colonial rule, racism and apartheid, and to some extent, achieved a degree of African integration through Regional Economic Communities (RECs). The OAU can also be credited with forging ahead with institutional building, which brought about a range of important Pan-African conventions, treaties and charters. The 1981 African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights; and the 1980 Abuja Treaty, outlining a multi-phase plan for an African Economic Community, are good examples.

For the decolonization agenda, the unfinished business remains the continued occupation of the Chagos Archipelago, the Comorian Island of Mayotte, and the exercise by the people of Western Sahara, of their right to self-determination. This is one challenge for the African Union.

The African Renaissance

In one of his seminal statements relevant to the African Renaissance, the Late Mwalimu Nyerere observed:

"Unity will not make us reach, but it can make it difficult for Africa and African people to be disregarded and humiliated. And it will, therefore, increase the effectiveness of the decisions we make and try to implement for our development. My generation led Africa to political freedom. The current generation of leaders and peoples of Africa must pick up the flickering torch of African freedom, refuel it with their enthusiasm and determination, and carry it forward."

I honestly believe this is the challenge of our time. Such is the challenge for the African Renaissance. But what constitutes this Renaissance? What is it that underpins it, and is it something realistic?

Addressing the AU 50th Anniversary Cerebrations at the Millennium Hall in Addis Ababa, HE President Yoweri Museveni observed that besides the rebirth of African arts and culture, "African Renaissance means modernization and integration, both political and economic". He concluded that African unity and integration are the insurance against the future recolonization of Africa.

Former President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa has also outlined fundamentals of African Renaissance as social cohesion, democracy, economic growth and transformation, as well as the establishment of Africa as a significant player in the global geo-political affairs. I hasten to add, the need for strong and foresighted leadership; peace and security on the continent; enterprising and skilled people; and a large but productive population; and industrialization.

Of all the projected global trends in the 21st Century, demography will provide both challenges and opportunities. Africa's population is projected to double to reach 2.2 billion by 2063, and rise to 4.2b out of the World's11b in 2100, according to the "World Population Prospects: 2012 Revision." By 2063, between 60-80% Africans will be urbanized. By 2050 Africa will have the youngest population with 60% under 30 and over 25% of the World's workforce.

These statistics would proffer disaster if Africa does not have a strategic plan for taking advantage of opportunities offered by such demographics. However, as outlined by Dr. Donald Kaberuka, President of the African Development Bank, Africa has opportunities that can overcome these challenges, namely:

• Six of the ten fastest growing economies in the world are in Africa;

• Africa's GDP has increased from $600 billion to $2.2 trillion since 2000;

• More and more investors are coming to Africa as the Continent now offers perhaps the highest return on investment in various sectors such as agriculture, energy, oil/gas, mining, ICT etc;

• Africa's young population is increasingly getting educated and skilled;

• The private sector is more dynamic and fast becoming an engine of growth.

Moving forward, therefore, requires that we take control of our own destiny, by doing a number of things differently. We must get the most out of our vast natural resources by stopping, forthwith, exporting them unprocessed. We must address the root causes of conflicts among us, by addressing ideological, political and socio-economic differences. Where conflict occurs, we have to have the capacity to deal with them as Africans, and must encourage dialogue and mediation. We must deepen our integration, starting with regional blocs. We must develop our productive capacity, through infrastructure and energy development. We must harness and enhance our traditions, cultures and African narrative, which differentiates us from other people. We must address socio-economic issues affecting our people. But above all, we must gradually be ready to finance our own activities.

At the continental level, the transformation of the OAU into the AU marked a significant chapter in the history of the continent. Its vision and objectives are now focused on “people centered development” and a transformative agenda. Africa is making steady and rapid progress in economic growth, fostering peace and stability, social development, democratization and development of human capital. Moreover, many of the gains are more sustainable and depict signs of increasing self-reliance. I will now highlight some of the major steps being taken towards the direction of our renaissance.

Current elements of the African renaissance

The debate between the continentalists advocating the United States of Africa now and Regionalists, who believe in gradual integration to the unity of Africa was rekindled in the 2000s. Fortunately, the grand debate took place in Accra in 2007, followed by another in Addis Ababa which resolved on gradualism to African Unit, using RECs as building blocs.

i) Peace and security

In the area of peace and security, the AU has made tremendous strides in preventing conflicts and maintaining peace and stability on the continent in the past decade. Institutionally, the African Peace and Security Architecture, through the Peace and Security Council, continue to be strengthened to play a more robust role. This is supported by the Panel of the Wise, and is to be reinforced by the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS), and the African Standby Force (ASF).

With this mechanism, it has become neither fashionable, nor profitable to engage in unconstitutional changes of government. The Military coups that characterized the 1970s to 1990s are not a frequent occurrence today and where they occur, the perpetrators are brought to book by the collective action of African States. This reminds us of the unfolding situation in Egypt. The African Union has moved fast on the matter, and the Peace and Security Council took a decision last Friday, 5th July, 2013 to suspend Egypt from all AU activities until constitutional order is re-established.

In order to further enhance Africa’s ownership and leadership of peace efforts on the continent, our Heads of State and Government have decided to establish an African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC). This is to be deployed pending the full operationalization of the African Standby Force. This decision was against the backdrop of two embarrassing situations. In Mali, Africa relied on external intervention to provide for its own security, and in Central African Republic, a rebel group toppled a democratically elected government. We need to urgently establish this immediate capacity to deal with such conflict situations before they explode.

Experience shows that regional-led peace initiatives, with support by the international community have yielded better results. Africa has successfully participated in Burundi, Liberia, Comoros, Mauritania, and Sierra Leone. AMISOM is also on course to stabilize Somalia, after the rest of the international community had signed it off as a failed state. Its stability, both on land and at sea can only propel development to our region.

I am optimistic that Africa will be listened to and understood in the context of the concept of “African led solutions to African problems.” It is inspiring that the international community, including through the United Nations, is collaborating with Africa in a hybrid manner, to resolve conflicts in Somalia, Darfur, DRC, Mali and other peace-building efforts on the continent. Indeed the unfolding global challenges call for cooperative efforts of a new order based on respect, dignity and foresight; a partnership of equals.

ii) socio-economic development

The peace and security architecture alone cannot deliver the renaissance without corresponding levels of socio-economic development. No doubt, Regional Economic Commissions, and continental-wide initiatives will have a major role to play.

While the process of integration of African economies has faced mammoth challenges, the launch of the African Union injected new life and a new approach to economic development and integration of the continent. About the same time the Peace and Security Council was established by the AU, the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) was launched as an African Renaissance development programme. With it, Africa undertook resolutely, to take responsibility for its destiny. It recognizes that peace and security, democracy, good governance, human rights and sound economic management are critical ingredients for development.

Through its flagship Programme for Infrastructure Development in Africa (PIDA), NEPAD is spearheading cross-border infrastructure projects that have the potential to unlock development in Africa. Such projects include: Algeria-Nigeria Optic Fiber Project; Kinshasa-Brazzaville Road and Rail Project; Dakar-Bamako-Niamey-Ndjamena-Djibouti Multi-modal Corridor Project; and Inga III Hydropower Generation Project. We need more of these cross-border and regional infrastructure projects.

Within our sub-region, the EAC and COMESA must develop infrastructure projects linking up these regional economic blocs, and therefore opening up links to the sea. Such projects may include: A railway line linking East Africa to DRC; a railway line linking East Africa to South Sudan; and a railway line linking East Africa to Ethiopia from Kenya. These will not only reduce the cost of doing business, but also facilitate movement of other factors of production across the region.

Africa’s Agenda 2063 should lay emphasis on the speedy integration of the Regional Economic Commissions (RECs) and inter-linkages between them. In the East African community, we have signed Protocols for a Customs Union and a Common Market. Progress is being made on the monetary Union and fast tracking a Political Federation. Other Regional Economic Communities such as ECOWAS, SADC and COMESA have equally deepened integration. The continental-wide Free Trade Area can only be achieved when Regional Economic Commissions succeed. The Tripartite Free Trade Area currently under negotiation between COMESA, EAC and SADC Member States would be a good starting point when it is realized.

The African Renaissance starts with us as societies, communities and countries, and then spreads to the region. Many African countries are now systematically addressing their development bottlenecks, giving priority to roads, railways, energy development, ICT and human capacity development. As part of this effort, we must mainstream the Diaspora and tap into their expertise and resources to supplement domestic resources.

As these efforts progress, there is debate on energy development, which raises issues of shared resources and nuclear energy. With climate change now on top of the agenda, the use of shared resources should address two issues. First, there must be equitable use, and second we must address the question of sustainability. Where water resources are concerned, we need programmes and projects that ensure continued water supply. Financing rural electrification, regardless of the source of power, will for instance stop cutting of forests for cooking, and therefore preserve water levels in the long run.

With increasing population and increasing energy demands, we need to start exploring ways of harnessing nuclear energy for peaceful purposes.

iii Democracy, good governance, human rights

Without deliberate efforts to engender good governance, democracy and protection of human rights, peace, security and development will remain a distant dream. Where the rule of law, constitutionalism, respect for human rights and regular free and fair elections have been entrenched, steady growth and development have been achieved. The debate on the constitutive ingredients of good governance, democracy and human rights, to a large extent, has already taken place. On its part, the African Union has put in place an elaborate legal and institutional framework to guarantee good governance, democracy and human rights in Africa. Some of these salient ingredients include:

• The African Peer Review Mechanism, currently with 29 members, out of the 54 African countries, and a further 13 being voluntarily assessed;

• The African Court of Justice and Human Rights;

• The African Charter on Human and Peoples‟ Rights;

• The African Commission on Human and Peoples‟ Rights; and

• The African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance

While some challenges still remain, I wish to underscore that the way forward is to strengthen the national, regional and continental institutions to guarantee these values. Some of the issues we are currently grappling with, emanating from the International Criminal Court (ICC), would not arise if we strengthened our own institutions to address grave abuses of human rights, genocide and crimes against humanity. Indeed, the ICC Statute provides for exhaustion of local remedies, as the ICC only plays a complimentary jurisdiction role.

The spirit of Pan-Africanism is still alive. The African Renaissance is real. I will now summarize what I think are the 13 key tasks ahead to fulfill the African Vision 2063, and reflect the commitment to accelerated African Renaissance:

i. A paradigm shift towards deepening economic and political integration to create strong and United States, as insurance against external interference. The EAC is expected to fast track the East African Federation Agenda;

ii. Ending internal conflicts and addressing the root causes of the conflicts by strengthening the AU PAN-Wise Network including building the African Standby Force with the immediate establishment of a Rapid Deployment Capability;

iii. Ending dependence on external funding, by mobilizing sustainable domestic resources to finance our own agenda;

iv. Strengthening democratic governance through popular participation and inclusive growth;

v. Investment in infrastructure development linking national and regional networks of roads, railways, telecommunication, and electricity to lower cost of doing business, and deepening integration;

vi. Investment in agricultural modernization, beneficiation of natural resources to industrialize, create employment and ensure food security and shared prosperity;

vii. Building human and technological capacity through comprehensive technical/vocational training and investment in scientific research and innovation as enablers of rapid transformation;

viii. Creating an enabling environment for a dynamic and vibrant private sector;

ix. Regaining the authorship of the African narrative to define the African identity through the rebirth of African arts, culture and media;

x. Solidarity with the African Diaspora in their struggle against racial discrimination;

xi. Completing the unfinished business of the OAU regarding the continued occupation of the Chagos Archipelago, the Island of Mayotte, and the self determination of the people of Western Sahara;

xii. Ensuring Africa's rightful place in world affairs by promoting and protecting our interests on all issues including the negotiations on UNSC reform, Climate Change and the post-2015 Development Agenda; and

xiii. Calling on our friends and partners abroad to understand that while we seek their partnership and solidarity, Africa needs necessary policy space to design and implement development strategies drawing on lessons from our experiences in the last half a century.

In the area of socio-economic development and African integration, Africa will continue to witness momentous development. Projections show that of the fastest growing economies in the world shall continue to be from Africa. We need to position ourselves to make full use these opportunities. We should also stand to address the challenges that come our way, such as the forecast rapid population increase.

We must remain steadfast and cognizant of the intrinsic relationship between peace, security and development on one hand, and the observance and promotion of democracy, good governance, and respect for human rights. All of us have a role to play if the much cherished African renaissance is to be realized.

By Hon. Sam K. Kutesa
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Uganda.