Majimbo Debate: What’s in a Name?

Published on 27th November 2007

The Majimbo debate continues to generate a lot of heat in Kenyan politics. This is not due to the embracing of issue-based politics, but the dawning reality that the winning contestant will be the official Statehouse tenant for the next five years. While the debate is intrinsically a sign of healthy democracy, it is worrisome how majimbo opponents are negatively bent on whipping up the citizenry to outright propaganda. In all fairness, there will never be a system created by man that does not have faults. The question is how far the demerits outweigh the merits.

The Catholic Cardinal, John Njue, wonders whether Kenya is really ready for Majimbo. He can receive an answer when we place his question in the context of the debate on the new constitution. Kenyans asked for a new constitution because of their bad experience with the existing one. Delegates at Bomas asked for a devolved government on behalf of Kenyans. Accordingly chapter 14 (which must be read with chapter 3) of the Bomas draft constitution was drafted. Important too in answering Cardinal Njue, is to note that majimbo can work if our political elite stopped their usual political cannibalism of the lower class.

It is the structure and benefits of the "untested" decentralised option that is confusing many Kenyans and whether to call it federalism, majimbo, federo and now ugatuzi. As pointed out by Dr. Tajudeen, UN envoy from Nigeria, "What Kenyans want can assume any name so long as in principle, they have an effective say in the way they are governed".

Devolution must be understood against the backdrop of a central system of government and its historical background. If a centralized government system is working, why would people demand change? The world over, people are demanding better governance. They want to be governed with as much public consensus as possible. For 70 years, British colonisers ruled Kenya in a highly centralised manner. Natives agitated to demand a say in the way they were governed. At independence, the Kenyatta regime frustrated this effort by denying pro-decentralisation activists access to funds. He weakened the local government and built up a highly centralized government centred on the Nairobi based presidency.

We have failed to deconstruct the vestiges of the colonial system. As a result, some parts of Kenya (such as North Eastern province) are highly underdeveloped. The centralised system does not account well for the contribution of rural areas in the government revenues. For instance, rural areas produce laborers and export them to Nairobi city in the form of rural- urban migrations in search for employment. The employees earn and spend their income, effectively increasing Nairobi’s tax base. To illustrate further, the CEOs of Kenya Sugar Authority based in Kabete, Nairobi (not a sugarcane farming area) are paid from the sweat of farmers miles away in rural cane growing areas of Western and Nyanza provinces. These CEOs then spend their income to buy milk and grocery from Kabete and its environs hence creating jobs for the locals, without any direct returns to the cane farmers. Simply put, the sweat of those rural farmers exports jobs and therefore tax revenue generation to Nairobi.

Further, because of centralisation of government business in Nairobi, there is a one way migration to the city in search of essential government services. As rendering these services takes a couple of days to finalize, the "immigrants" spend money on accommodation and food, to save on transport costs that several trips would entail. Nairobi once more benefits from the hotel industry that consequently booms. The situation is so skewed that it is so easy to make money in Nairobi, the consumption centre, as compared to the rural areas that are actually the production centres.

The centralised system of government alienates, disengages and disempowers citizens. Citizens do not have a chance to actively participate in the country’s decision making beyond five years. The devolved government system on the other hand can inherently detribalise politics by according people more involvement opportunities. The issue of tribal animosity should not be overplayed. Today we have Mt. Elgon and Kuresoi clashes. Have they been caused by devolution? Our politicians have been paying tribal cards all along without devolution!

Devolution offers a platform for pluralist political democracy. Politics is about who gets what, where, when and how. It solves the problem of individuals playing god with the population. It deepens democracy, as the close proximity of leaders to electorate enhances accountability. It will help people from elsewhere to build a leadership record outside Nairobi. Spread out judiciary, parliament and executive will promote a cross flow of humanity and prompt a natural distribution of economics and human resource. There is no logic for people in Nairobi to decide what kind of schools, hospitals and roads people in Marakwet should have.

Although antagonists of devolution argue that it might fail, in politics, the game is to keep trying. No one knows the perfect system of governance. Monarchy once looked like the best form of governance but centuries later, democracy proved better. Devolution will allow the sprout of industries in rural areas hence creating jobs and decongesting the cities. Why should Thika, a non fishing town, have a fish industry while Bunyala, with the largest fish lake has none? Why should we have a Sugar Authority in Kabete when the sugar belt is Western and Nyanza province? Devolution will slow down the creation of super-power regions and reduce "economic apartheid" in our country. Tanzania, Nigeria and South Africa are federal countries with a devolved system of government. Nigeria, with it numerous tribes, is not experiencing super-tribal animosity because of federalism. As matter of fact, Nigerians are asking for real federalism. Devolution will allow community voices and active participation in decision making of this country.

Kenyans want devolution beyond CDF tokenism. While Cardinal Njue castigates majimbo, he should remember that the Catholic church is governed through majimbo system.


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