Money exchange bureau  Photo courtesy

Somalia is officially classified as a failed state where warlords, Islamic extremists, suicide bombings, piracy, secessionists, poverty and anarchy are the norms of every day life. While other major post-cold war conflicts in Europe and Africa have been resolved, the Somali question remains one of the most difficult, unabated and unresolved conflicts in modern times. In case you have forgotten, the roar of guns and bomb explosions in former-Yugoslavia seem to have been silenced by among other things, a massive military intervention (supported by a long term political commitment and diplomacy as is the case in the Balkan) or through a peace keeping mission initiative by an individual country like the UK experiment in Sierra Leon where British forces have helped end a long civil war.

 

The international community (Western powers) have installed functioning governments in the post-9/11 conflict hotspots such as Iraq and Afghanistan, and have enabled them to hold “democratic” elections although imperfect and flawed.

 

With regard to the Somali conflict, the international community seems to be ambivalent. It is divided between those who have given up on Somalia (hence blame Somalis for the failure) and those who are willing to help but end up taking the wrong decision, thus worsening the situation, as was the case when Ethiopia was allowed to invade and occupy Somalia.

 

However, to be fair, the international community tried to help end the conflict when in 1992 the United Nations Security Council authorised the deployment of peace keeping forces (the UNISOM). Although huge resources were allocated, the mission failed for lack of political commitment and plan. The death of few American soldiers was enough to force the American administration to withdraw its forces. Compare that failure of policy with another post-cold war conflict -the Balkan conflict- and you will see how these conflicts were treated differently and produced different outcomes! One was given a long term political commitment with massive military intervention while the other was left to crumble.

 

Put bluntly, the international community has failed Somalia.

 

Despite the negligence and indifference by the international community; lack of a formal state structure; human suffering and economic cost of the civil strife, Somalis have proven to be a resilient, entrepreneurial, creative, hardworking and ingenious people. They have accomplished remarkable things against the odds and are well ahead of “stable” neighbouring states such as Kenya and Ethiopia, in some development sectors.Let us tell this untold story.

 

Powerful autonomous regional administrations

 

Despite the threat of dismemberment, and an uncertain future, Somalis have succeeded in creating some administrations such as Puntland, Somaliland and Transitional Federal Government. Some of them have good functioning public institutions that ensure peace, security and provision of basic social services. Somalis have strong and assertive regional administrations, under which they are exercising some kind of self-rule. They are now more or less autonomous and independent from a centralised government structure.

 

It is really sad that it took 30-40 years and a lot of suffering before cities such as Baydhabo, Garawe and Hargeysa could try to taste regional autonomy and assert their freedom from Mogadishu. One wonders whether some of these entities with a secession tendency are not really seeking total independence but merely craving for legitimate greater freedoms and autonomy, denied by previous governments, particularly during the dictatorship in which the famous Villa Somalia was the power-house.

 

Somalis have now an emerging weaker federal structure embodied in the TFG, which could be utilised as a blue print for a looser federal structure. So what Somalis need right now is a negotiated federal structure that will hopefully lead to the rebirth of a stronger Somali state.  

 

Good primary education enrolment

 

At independence, Somalis had a Grade 1 primary enrolment of only 6,000 in 233 primary schools. During the 1960s, the education system stagnated, causing a decrease in primary education enrolment. This situation got better in early 1970s because of the successful literacy campaign, compulsory primary enrolment, and the adoption of the script of the Somali language. However, the education system deteriorated in 1977-78 due to, among other things, the Ogaden war. A year before the collapse the central government, primary and secondary school enrolment dropped to 60,000 from 300,000 in the early years of 1980s. 

 

Somalis have lost two generations who are without or with little education due to state failures in 1980s and the civil strife in 1990s. Despite the fact that Somalis lag behind most countries in terms of primary education enrolment, they have succeeded in creating and restoring old and new educational institutions and facilities, which now provide essential education services. For example, enrolment in primary school has improved. In 2003-04, it shot up to 300,000, a figure that is much higher than what it was prior to the civil war. In addition, there are some secondary, vocational institutes, and adult education colleges, where students learn different subjects.

 

Before the civil war, higher education was more or less bankrupt. The Somali National University, for example, was bankrolled by donor countries. However, despite the civil strife, with their hard work and resilience, Somalis have successfully created new institutions from scratch. It is worth mentioning the success story of creating the Amoud University in which Borama residents, faced with 8,000 primary and secondary students, transformed the residential Amoud Higher School to a university. So if yesterday Somalis were proud of the Somali National University – the only and dominant institution whose faculties were mainly in Mogadishu,  today there are up to 10 universities located in major cities. They include: Hargeysa University, Mogadishu University, Puntland State University, Amoud University and three of them are in Africa’s top 100 universities. 

 

Although the ownership, management and financing of educational institutions varies (from public-community-NGO to private sector); some of these institutions are rudimentary and operate through varied and different curriculum and standards and accessibility is limited due to issues around affordability, it must be recognised that these institutions provide the much needed education services to Somalis. Somalis should therefore be commended for their hard work and tireless efforts.

 

A vibrant private sector   

 

Telecommunication

 

Access to telecommunication before the civil strife was difficult and very expensive to most Somalis. Telephone lines were limited to cities and to lucky ones who could offer them. For example, in 1990 there were about 2 fixed telephone mainlines per 1,000 people. However, thanks to the entrepreneurial spirit of Somalis and to new technologies today, there are about 9 private operators that provide competitive telecommunication services to almost every province, town and village. Today, there are around 25 mainlines per 1,000 persons, and availability of telephone lines (tele-density) in Somalia is higher than in neighbouring countries, three times higher than in Ethiopia. Access to international telephone calls is probably the most affordable and cheapest in the whole of Africa. For example, in 2005, a one minute phone-call from Mogadishu or Hargeysa cost $0.50-0.80. This was cheaper than the equivalent calling rate in Addis Ababa!  In 2003, there were 63 mobile phones per 1,000 people and there are internet facilities. 

 

Although in need of regulatory and structural framework, the sector provides much needed services, which improve the lives of thousands in terms of, among other things, job creation and income generation. 

 

Small scale industries

 

Before the civil war, the 53 or so state-owned large-medium and small manufacturing enterprises, like many public institutions, were breaking down and bankrupt. The civil war looted and destroyed the rest. However, thanks to investment by the Diaspora, the remittance sector, and some intervention by the international community, Somalis have managed to re-start some old small scale plants and have created new ones. These include fish canning and meat processing plants in the north and some 25 factories in Mogadishu, which produce pasta, mineral water, sweets, plastic bags, sheets, hides and skins, detergent and soap, aluminum, foam mattresses and pillows, fishing boats and carry out packaging and stone processing.

 

The airline industry

 

Thanks to their entrepreneurial spirit and lack of strict regulatory frameworks, there are networks of up to 14 private airline companies (e.g. Daallo) which run commercial flights from Somalia to abroad. These companies offer competitive flight tickets and have been a life-line to Somalis’ booming trade and delivery of crucial humanitarian assistance by the international community. So, if Somalis were proud of the now bankrupt and defunct Somali Airline – the only national carrier that dominated the sky – today Somalis have successfully created private airline companies that connect Somalis to the outside world. 

 

Road Infrastructure

 

In the late 1970s, there were 19,380 kilometres of road infrastructure which include all categories from paved, gravel, to tarmac. Despite the fact that their condition has been deteriorating in some parts of the country, the percentage of roads that have been paved and maintained by Somalis during the civil war period is the same as of that of Kenya and Ethiopia, and much higher than in Tanzania.

 

Remittance fuels booming trade

 

Some 750,000 Somalis in the Diaspora sent US$825 million to $1billion in 2004 to Somalia. This is estimated to be around 60 percent of Gross National Product (GNP). This generosity offers much needed subsistence to relatives, and acts as a life-line not only for immediate families, but also to the wider society as the money trickles down via domestic commerce to even remote rural communities. The money transfer helps in construction projects, small business, credit and loans schemes and creation of job opportunities.  

 

Also, the money transfer- handled by a network of roughly 8 remittance companies, facilitates international trade. Even though these companies face future challenges in terms of adopting structural and regulatory frameworks to get them integrated into the global financial system, and despite the current setbacks caused by the closure of some companies due to alleged terrorism financing, the sector has proven to be resilient, and it continues to help a booming trade in which exports (livestock etc) and imports reached a record high US$265 million and US$400 million respectively.

 

The remittance sector also makes regional and international payment transactions from and to Somalia more efficient and smoother than the pre-war system. $100 sent from Europe/USA takes 1-2 days to reach relatives in Somalia compared to the pre-war era where bureaucracy made it cumbersome to transfer money via banks. The Somali remittance network is more efficient and reliable than “formal” banking systems in Kenya and Ethiopia where bureaucracy and cumbersome regulatory frameworks make business and banking transaction much harder.

 

Somalis have even tried to create banks, for example, the Universal Bank of Somalia. The Dahabshiil’s effort to become a bank   is worth noting. Thanks to their resilience and hard-work Somalis’ Gross National Income per capita is higher than Kenyans and Ethiopians!!

 

 

Furthermore, the vibrant and resilient private sector – sometimes in partnership with public/NGO sectors, continues to provide essential services such as water, electricity, education and healthcare, which are sometimes better and more efficient than the pre-war service provision. And towns and villages, which even did not have access to some of these services under the central government are benefiting from it. 

 

Conclusion

 

No room for complacency

 

Having highlighted some impressive achievements, there is no room for complacency. This is because Somalis are amongst the poorest in the world and they owe the international community a massive debt of US$3.2 billion. Somalis lag behind in all human poverty indices; and about 71% of population does not have access to sustainable water sources. In addition, they are far behind in meeting the UN’s millennium targets that, among other things, stipulate universal primary education to all children by 2015.

 

The stable regional administrations are now facing same old problems that existed during the central government, ranging from mismanagement of public funds; corruption; ineffective revenue collection mechanism and an imbalanced public budget which allocates a higher percentage of the public purse to security and the presidency while less is spent on social services and developmental projects. For example, Puntland and Somaliland spend only 1 per cent to 5 per cent of their annual budget on education. This is the same as the pre-war expenditure.

 

Recommendations

 

The international community should :

 

*Give pragmatic and practical support to existing and emerging governance structures be they local, regional or federal.

 

*Refrain from inflaming the situation by whipping up the politics of war on terror in the region but learn a lesson from what had happened in Somali when Islamic Court Union was forced out and Ethiopia occupied Somalia. Although extremism and terrorism forces in Iraq, Pakistan and Afghanistan seem to have been defeated ideologically and military, it is very likely that those forces in Somalia will be defeated by Somalis’ dislike of extremism and fanaticism combined with Obama administration’s policy of dialogue with the Islamic world. These forces will make noise (and suicide bombings) but it is a matter of time before they disappear. So patience is required.

 

*Not see and use one issue e.g. piracy as a tool to resolve the Somali conflict. This is a short term strategy and policy that proved to be a failure.

 

*Try to coerce through diplomacy and political will all stakeholders (regional states and federal government) to work together in view of constituting a federal structure. A case in point is the recent efforts by the Congressman Donald Payne, Chairman of subcommittee on Africa and Global Health of trying to bring stakeholders under one roof for dialogue and reconciliation. This was a historic landmark in America’s policy. This is the kind of soft power which the US and other countries need to use. This method is much cheaper but more powerful and effective than any other methods.

 

The Somalis, please continue with your resilience, perseverance, ingenuity and hard work in order to achieve even greater results in the future. Help yourself so that the world can help you.

 

By Muuse Yuusuf,

 

A London based writer and analyst. He can be contacted at Myuusuf3@hotmail.com