Lagos State Indigenes: A Short-changed Lot?

Published on 29th June 2012

Lagos city                              Photo courtesy
Let’s begin with two time-tested political pointers. First, if a problem does not exist, it cannot be fictitiously created by political opponents. Second, a political party will quickly lose its credibility and raise its rival’s profile if it relies solely on fictitious and phantom problems as a means of gaining or regaining the trust of voters. That said, let’s cut to the chase.

Regardless of which party is in power, State and local governments across our nation need to overhaul the politics of distributing public funds and disbursing welfare benefits. Of course, Lagos State is no exception, particularly in view of the current state of affairs of its indigenous people.

It is no secret that residents of Lagos State from other states--especially with origins from Ogun, Osun, Oyo, Ekiti, and Ondo, Edo and Kwara States--have benefited tremendously and continue to gain mileage from both state-wide and local politics of the State than the indigenous people of the State.

Without any credible statistical data to support this claim, some logical reasons for the gains of non-indigenes in state-wide and local politics include the advantage of increasing size of immigration of non-indigenes into Lagos; continuing urbanization of the State; and increasing urban and rural growth rates, respectively about 8% and 3% annually.

In addition, Lagos has the largest jobs market in Nigeria because of the city’s advantageous location and Atlantic coastlines which permit easy entry of goods via seaports and airports; the vitality of its seaports and airports; the State’s policy of attracting major businesses; non-existence or relaxation of residency rules; and steady pace of the State’s ongoing infrastructural development.

Despite being the smallest state in Nigeria with a land-size of 3,577 square kilometers and perhaps the nation’s largest population size, the State’s stunning accomplishments include being the nation’s nerve center of economic and business activities; its contemporary role as the melting-pot of various cultures of its residents from various parts of Nigeria; and being the pace-setter of a new wave of infrastructural development in Nigeria.

While more benefits seem to accrue to non-indigenes--because of their larger population size and larger number of participants in state-wide and local politics-- than State indigenes, the adverse effects on indigenes cannot be simply wished away without sound and thorough solutions. The adverse effects on indigenes include low literacy rate; low rate of advancement in education; high rate of unemployment; high rate of employment in low-paying jobs; slow pace of economic and infrastructural development in the communities where indigenous people of the State reside. As a result, some indigenes feel that their problems have been ignored, the blight in their communities neglected and their rights sidelined.

Neither do they foresee a break soon. As the State continues to build new cities and communities along the Atlantic coastlines and to develop master-plans for modernizing older parts of Lagos, these massive infrastructural projects are expected to housing and rental costs as the State’s population density increases to 20,000 from about 16,000 people per square meters. Even worse, as they reflect on past experiences such as the displacement of the old Maroko community in Lagos, they are afraid of a similar fate for communities of poor indigenes in the State.

To the contrary however, they are proud of the contributions of their forebears and descendants toward the formation of the State’s unique character; the cultures, arts and crafts of the State; and state building. So, who are the indigenous people of Lagos State?

The indigenous people of Lagos State include the Yoruba ethnic groups of the Aworis in Ebute-Metta, Iddo and Ikeja, the Eguns in Badagry, and the Ijebus in Ikorodo, Epe, Ibeju-Lekki and Eti-Osa; and in Lagos Island, an indigenous mixture of the Binis and Eko Aworis, and repatriated Yoruba slaves from Brazil.

These indigenous people have made enormous contributions through their distinctive cultural imprints on the State’s character, arts and crafts, and cultures. The arts and crafts of these communities include pottery, sculpture, mat-weaving, basket-weaving, hair-plaiting, and raffia works. Their cultures are reflected through festivals and masquerades that highlight and demonstrate their ancient religious practices. Some examples of the festivals and masquerades of the indigenous people of Lagos State are the Adimu Orisha or Eyo masquerades of Lagos Island; the Remireke of Eti-Osa, the Eluku Festival of Ikorodu; the Okoshi Festival of Epe; and the Sangbeto Masquerades of Badagry.

Today however, these festivals are celebrated with lesser rituals, devotions and observances than in ancient times due to the influences of civilization, modern religions and urbanization.

Realizing the importance of these traditional festivals, the State’s efforts to formally revive, promote and preserve them began with the establishment of the Lagos State Council for Arts and Culture in 1973 to assist in the perpetuation and promotion of the State’s rich cultural heritage. In recent times, the State government has also metamorphosed these traditional festivals into activities for attracting tourists to the State via its Ministry of Home Affairs and Culture, a service agency charged with the promotion of peaceful co-existence of multiple religious beliefs in the State as well as the revival and promotion of its cultural heritage.

Although still concentrated in specific areas of the State, these indigenes are also spread across the twenty local government areas (LGAs) of the State, namely: Agege, Ajeromi-lfelodun, Amuwo-Odofin, Alimosho, Apapa, Badagry, Epe, Eti-Osa, lfako-ljaye, Ibeju-Lekki, Ikeja, Ikorodu, Kosofe, Lagos Island, Lagos Mainland, Mushin, Ojo, Oshodi-Isolo, Somolu and Surulere.

Before offering creative solutions on how policymakers, lawmakers and politicians of Lagos State can mitigate the impact of the identified adverse effects on indigenes, let’s look at the potential impact of local politics in one local government area on some of the State’s indigenes. With respect to some indigenes, this is about one case too many.

Take a typical local government area with four subdivisions; four Chairmen who are indigenes; and four Vice-Chairmen who are non-indigenes from other states. Usually, this power arrangement receives the approval and support of the traditional rulers in the local government area. However, in local level politics, the outcomes of such a power bargain can be rather stunning and unfair. Why and how?

There is something awfully wrong with local and party politics when political party leaders deny the indigenes of a community or local government area their rights to publicly funded set-asides and rewards. The denials come in several forms, including highly discretionary and non-equitable distribution of public monies, funds and entitlements such as emergency/sickness allocations, funds for poverty alleviation, religious pilgrimages to Mecca and Jerusalem, and general assistance; lack of duly deserved bursary awards for the children of indigenes in higher institutions; and lack of employment initiatives or programs with specific focus on indigenes and their children.

Even worse, some local leaders sometimes give away funds available to their local government areas for assisting residents to their friends and extended families who reside outside their local government areas. As an analogy, it sounds infantile for one state to bankroll the daily financial needs of another state while ignoring its financial obligation to its residents.

What happens to the idea of circulating money within a community to create wealth for the same community? Although it is permissible for any political party to spend its own monies anyway it wants or feels like. However, public funds which are self-generated by a local government area or given to it by the Federal or State Government should be spent in good faith to benefit all its residents without marginalizing any group.

The blatant abuse of power and misuse of public funds do not stop here. Other violations of the rights of powerless and vulnerable indigenes include: removal of the names of hard-working party workers from coveted lists of entitlements; refusing to submit the names of the deserving children of indigenes for scholarship awards, job placement quotas by oil and gas companies, and for bursary award offerings by Senators; untidy treatment of women in party politics with “no play no gain” type of sexual harassment by male-dominated party leadership; and absolute disregard for the use of merit-based, transparent and democratic processes in decision-making.

The list goes on with trepidation for the future of politics here! With respect to some indigenes, this is about another case too many.

Here are some hot-button questions for State and local government administrators. Is the problem of indigenes’ neglect state-wide, a localized phenomenon or both? Should party leaders, Chairmen and Vice-Chairmen be assigned most of the blame for the rotten outcomes? Are traditional rulers who support this self-serving, cockamamie power-sharing deal also blameworthy?

After State’s nonpartisan investigation of such practices at the local government level, how can policymakers, lawmakers and politicians of the State mitigate the impact of these adverse effects on indigenes? How should marginalized indigenes be compensated today? What remedies can make them begin to rise above their current state of affairs? What would encourage them to participate actively in local and State government politics in the future with renewed confidence?

First, there should be a marked improvement in the governance of local government areas, not only those in Lagos State but across our nation. The election or selection process of those who would run them should be based on satisfying this question: Are they good, qualified, and courageous men and women with clean records and excellent people skills who can run the affairs of their local government area and make service to the people paramount? Without a doubt, we need such strong men and women to clean up the mess or quagmire in LGAs across our nation.

Second, residents of local government areas would be served better when well-structured welfare systems are created for them in order to minimize discretionary disbursements and patronage politics. To make each system work, there must be regular audit of the welfare system by independent auditors; and the audit role must be under the purview of an independent oversight committee with from representations from State and local governments, business and labor groups.

Third, there must be strict laws against diversion of public funds into the coffers of political parties and a strict penalty system for the breaking of such laws. The latter point must be emphasized because when specific laws are not enforced or enforced discriminately, the deterrent element is weakened; as a result, the specific laws become ineffective. Communities in LGAs across the nation suffer when public monies that are generated by their LGAs are diverted into the treasuries of political parties. These are funds that would have stayed in their communities to build new schools or renovate dilapidating ones, fix pot-holes, build playgrounds for their children and recreation centers for adults, and so on. These are examples of the benefits that make any community appreciate good governance and the job of a good government.

Fourth, there should be a concerted effort by policymakers, lawmakers and politicians to accelerate the inclusion of women in higher hierarchy of local government administration. This may require State intervention through labor and social laws that mandate,  a high-priority agenda for gender diversity, and an aggressive pursuit of a number of gender diversity policies, such as setting of gender-specific hiring goals; setting of gender quotas in the hiring, retention, promotion and development of women; skill-building programs specifically aimed at women; flexible working hours; programs to smoothen transitions before, during and after maternity leaves; support programs and facilities to help reconcile work and family life, including subsidized daycare centers at worksites; programs that encourage female role models and networking; mandates for mentoring of junior women by senior executives; strong commitment by the executive team and involvement in the monitoring of gender diversity programs; and use of best practices to ensure gender diversity.

However, if State and local governments fail to start working on bridging the gap between men and women in the top echelon of local government administration, increasing involvement of women in politics will eventually force a change toward a gender-diverse leadership team. As the number of women participating in local politics grows, their influence on politics would become more important than today. Their yearning and demand for higher political offices will increase. With the rise of women into higher ranks of local level administration and politics, “no play no gain” type of sexual harassment of women by LGA leaders would be curbed; more women would be encouraged to participate in local and State politics; and gender diversity at the top echelon of local and State administration would become a normal phenomenon, all culminating in a truly democratic system. 

However, if this logical option fails to hold, then there is something unconscionably wrong with local and State politics when about half or more of the residents in a local government area do not have proportionate representation in the higher hierarchy of its leadership structure.

Lastly, local government areas must create special programs for alleviating indigenes’ plights, including vocational skill development and training, small business and entrepreneurial training, institutionalization of means-tested scholarship and bursary awards for children of indigenes, and well-negotiated hiring quotas for indigenes as one of host community benefits from large private-sector companies. These actions are absolutely necessary to compensate them today for past neglect of their rights; to begin to rise above their current state of affairs today; and to renew their confidence for active involvement in local and State government administration and politics.

Putting in place the right combination of these mitigating solutions will see indigenes rise in economic, political and social terms.

Let’s also conclude with another set of advice. First, regardless of party politics or party affiliation of Lagos State indigenes, their rights as a group, and the benefits and entitlements the group deserves should be sacrosanct, protected and must not be tampered with. Second, party politics must not be used in any shape or form to deter or slow down the progress of State indigenes that are already at a disadvantage in several local communities across the State. Third, political leaders, lawmakers and policymakers in Lagos State must not neglect the special needs of State indigenes whose forebears’ toil and courage crystallized the foundation upon which the State proudly stands and became some of what it is today! Lastly, the State’s rising tide should lift all boats.

By Femi O. Odulana

The author is an indigene of Lagos Sate via his mother’s Egun lineage and the author of “Pension Reforms in Nigeria: A Guide to the Implementation and Operation of the Pension Reform Act 2004.”


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